Tag Archive for 'communism'

How to Tick of China: Sell Weapons to Taiwan

The US is going to be selling a boatload of weapons to Taiwan.

People in the US have long been worried for years about China becoming more belligerent. However, China has enough trouble keeping their own population under the heavy hand of communism. They have no ambitions of attacking or being belligerent to the US.

But if we start selling weapons to their neighbours - and neighbours who are in a testy, tense relationship with China already - then we are going to start the ball rolling on conflicts in that region. The last thing needed in that part of the world is more weapons. Asia definitely doesn’t need war. The effects on the global economy if China and other Asian countries (and I doubt that the US could keep their hands off in such a war) go to war would be absolutely devastating.

If China does ever decide to invade Taiwan - let it be said that the US definitely did not help the situation.

The Roots of Statism

Typically, those who are opposed to “pure” libertarianism - which is generally articulated as some form of anarchy or decentralised society - do so on the grounds of 17th century philosopher Thomas Hobbes (whether intentionally or not). This includes all statists, from obvious ones such as Marxists or socialists; moderates such as republicans or democrats and even minarchists like libertarians and objectivists.

The Hobbesian view is that man needs a government in order to prevent a “war of all against all.” That without a referee (namely a government monopoly), men would be unable to figure out the rules of the game, so to speak. But more than that, they would break any rules that were established and society would quickly degenerate into complete chaos.

But there are numerous illustrations available to show that this construct is actually not workable (empirically) and not logically consistent (axiomatically). Government intervention does not empirically do what it is supposed to, and the axiomatic legitimizations for it have yet to be shown as water-tight. As government increases, wars and rule-breaking don’t decrease. In fact, the state itself becomes the largest aggressor and rule-breaker. It doesn’t use it’s monopoly on force - and it’s exemptions from the rules the rest of society must follow - purely for good. Not surprisingly, it uses these exceptional powers to favour the agendas of those who wield them - whether it is world domination, trade or environmentalism.

Hans Hoppe explains this conundrum in The Myth of National Defense:

The quarrel is only with the Hobbesian solution. Given man’s nature as a rational animal, is the proposed solution to the problem of insecurity an improvement? Can the institution of a state reduce aggressive behavior and promote peaceful cooperation, and thus provide for better private security and protection? The difficulties with Hobbes’s argument are obvious. For one, regardless of how bad men are, S —whether king, dictator, or elected president— is still one of them. Man’s nature is not transformed upon becoming S. Yet how can there be better protection for A and B, if S must tax them in order to provide it? Is there not a contradiction within the very construction of S as an expropriating property protector? In fact, is this not exactly what is also—and more appropriately—referred to as a protection racket? To be sure, S will make peace between A and B but only so that he himself in turn can rob both of them more profitably. Surely S is better protected, but the more he is protected, the less A and B are protected from attacks by S. Collective security, it would seem, is not better than private security. Rather, it is the private security of the state, S, achieved through the expropriation, i.e., the economic disarmament, of its subjects.

The Hobbesian philosophy essentially demands that larger and more powerful groups of thugs be in charge of smaller groups of thugs because people obviously seems to just want to commit random violence against each other like animals and require a big group of thugs with sticks to keep them in line. Government is empowered in this manner because otherwise, what, a government will develop? In reality, the argument against anarchy is that “a big group of thugs will come unless we have a big group of thugs.” Is the circular reasoning not evident here? We don’t want the world to devolve into chaos where a big group of thugs can run wild and enslave us - so enstead we enslave ourselves to a big group of thugs which then creates chaos to justify it’s perpetual dominion (wars, economic crises, social crisis, national emergencies, etc…).

The Burden of Proof
I put the emphasis on statists (whether they are libertarians or Marxists) to justify their argument for why the initial natural order requires a government (which no matter how complicated or advanced it is - is based on the philosophy of the strongest thugs and bullies running the show - this is its axiomatic argument, despite platonic motives attached to it) to be superimposed on it. The intervention requires justification - not nature. The protection racket or group of thugs needs to demonstrate a) that their ideas will work and b) that they even have a legitimate right to force their will on naturally free people.

Even if the natural state of man is chaos, it is the responsibility of those who would put it “right” to justify their actions - even with the best motives. If they refuse to do this, and hope to just beat men into submission “for their own good” - they are no better than the men they are trying to reform and put to order. They are using the same methods.

Some Criticisms
Of course, the anarchist’s alternative is not that suddenly without a state everyone is going to hold hands, obey common laws and never fight with one another. There are still going to be wars, crimes and disorder. In addition, many men, even if purely free to do so, will not do what’s best for them. If drugs were legal and freely available, for example, of course more people would use them - and this would not be a good thing.

In fact, if this is true (which I think it is), that man is not always going to do what’s best for him, then the case for government breaks down very quickly (much more quickly than an anarcho-capitalist system) - as man doesn’t magically become “rational” when given a monopoly on force over other men. He doesn’t magically become a philosopher king. If anything, he abuses his power. The Hobbesian case for government presumes a miracle - that a man will suddenly find a conscience if he is given power over other men.

In other words, if we allow a group of thugs to regulate our behaviour, even for good, why do we think that this group will now be so morally consistent and superior as to enforce this justly?

Another set of criticisms is empirical. I saw a bunch of socialists protesting at a mall the other day, handing out editions of the Morning Star showing a photo of bankers with the headline: “Capitalism has failed.” However, the banking sector is hardly free market. If capitalism - or the purest form of capitalism: market anarchy, is to be critiqued, it needs to be done logically, not empirically.

I think a strong logical argument can be made that monopolies and class-gaps are not created in a free market. The fact that these things happen empirically does not invalidate pure freedom (or anarchism). In fact, it probably means that laissez-faire wasn’t taken purely enough - that is close enough to the axiomatic ideal where it proves to work perfectly. Again, this is the same case with communism. Did communism fail because of empirical or axiomatic flaws with Marxism? I think communism is best criticised by criticising the logical flaws in Marxism, not from taking data from Soviet Russia - which never really was “communist.”

Inevitable Thugs?
This still leaves the problem of the big group of thugs. Presuming Hobbes is right, if we don’t put one in power, how do we still prevent them from rising up anyway if we let nature take it’s course?

As to why big groups of thugs would be discouraged in a anarcho-capitalist world - Hans Hoppe explains his vision of how this might work out in The Private Production of Defense. He argues that thugs would turn into non-aggressive insurance companies pretty quickly.

…defense is a form of insurance, and defense expenditures represent a sort of insurance premium (price). Accordingly, as Rothbard and the Tannehills in particular would emphasize, within the framework of a complex modern economy based on a worldwide division of labor the most likely candidates for offering protection and defense services are insurance agencies. The better the protection of insured property, the lower are the damage claims and hence an insurer’s costs. Thus, to provide efficient protection appears to be in every insurer’s own financial interest; and in fact even now, although restricted and hampered by the state, insurance agencies provide wide-ranging services of protection and indemnification (compensation) to injured private parties. Insurance companies fulfill a second essential requirement. Obviously, anyone offering protection services must appear able to deliver on his promises in order to find clients. That is, he must possess the economic means —the manpower as well as the physical resources—necessary to accomplish the task of dealing with the dangers, actual or imagined, of the real world. On this count insurance agencies appear to be perfect candidates, too. They operate on a nationwide and even international scale, and they own large property holdings dispersed over wide territories and beyond single state boundaries. Accordingly, they have a manifest self-interest in effective protection, and are big and economically powerful. Furthermore, all insurance companies are connected through a network of contractual agreements of mutual assistance and arbitration as well as a system of international reinsurance agencies, representing a combined economic power which dwarfs that of most if not all existing governments.

Again, it is not hard to see illustrations of these basic ideas - that people are incentivised to cooperate and work together for mutual benefit. It’s easy to see this applied in some areas: churches, charity, trade, small businesses, civil disobedience, book clubs, families and so on. Why defence and policing is somehow taboo doesn’t make sense. Cooperation and mutual benefit are not exclusive only to certain kinds of human behaviour- but it is a natural incentive in humanity itself.

From Vietnam to Iraq: Learning from Our Mistakes

In the fall of 2004, as I was getting closer to finishing my undergraduate education, I began to breathe easier knowing that I’d soon be leaving the constant barrage of “left-wing propaganda” at the University of Oregon. Like many current college-aged conservatives - I was holding on for dear life to the mainline conservative mantras in the hope that I would pull through my college experience without succumbing to the mind-washing ideologies surrounding me.

No conservative agenda was more attacked than the War in Iraq, and naturally, I defended that war all the more fiercely. But that began to change when I took a seemingly unrelated class on the history of Vietnam. Reading former Communist Minister of Justice Truong Nhu Tang’s book A Vietcong Memoir allowed me to look at a conflict similar to Iraq without being concerned about the current political debate.

An Overview of Ideology in Vietnam
For Americans on the outside looking in, the politics around the Vietnam War were commonly drawn up in the oversimplistic terms of American might versus the global Communist revolution. Yet for those within South Vietnam’s nationalist struggle for independence, like Truong, the War and the time period surrounding it meant something completely different. Starting from his first encounter with Ho Chi Minh until his eventual exile a few years after the War, Truong and many like him in the various organizations he helped pioneer and participate in, saw independence as the ends of a struggle that employed various means.

He did not want to see Vietnam be the subject of a colonial power (such as France), occupying country (such as the United states) or global ideology (such as Communism). Truong was above all, a nationalist who wanted to see an end to foreign occupation, influence and manipulation in the South as well as a strong, liberal, free and democratic government structure to eventually be unified with the North through peaceful means.

How Violence Becomes the Answer
Why was an otherwise peaceful, democratically-minded individual like Truong drawn to ally himself with such radical and violent communist groups? After all, Truong was not a communist, nor was he sympathetic with their ideology, methods or goals - however, he hated seeing his country occupied. He wanted to be free - left alone by the powers of the world so that he, and his countrymen, could make for themselves a society that reflected their values and culture.

But the US, the latest in a line of occupying powers, was not leaving anytime soon. Moreover, they subverted these noble ideals as illegitimate regime after regime was set up by US agencies. For people like Truong, it was clear that the US was not going to be bargained with and that war was the only alternative left open to them in order to secure freedom. The communists were the most prepared for war and they had plenty of funding from China to make things painful for the US in the South.

The Iraq Parallels
In a war against occupiers, people who would otherwise be enemies (communists and nationalists in this case) are drawn into tight alliances. In many ways, we are seeing the same thing in Iraq - there is strong support for democracy oriented movements in the middle-east. Iraq was burgeoning with such a movement before the US-led invasion, hence the easy sell to the public by US officials. Vice President Dick Cheney, for example:

I really do believe that we will be greeted as liberators. I’ve talked with a lot of Iraqis in the last several months myself, had them to the White House. The president and I have met with them, various groups and individuals, people who have devoted their lives from the outside to trying to change things inside Iraq. And like Kanan Makiya who’s a professor at Brandeis, but an Iraqi, he’s written great books about the subject, knows the country intimately, and is a part of the democratic opposition and resistance. The read we get on the people of Iraq is there is no question but what they want to the get rid of Saddam Hussein and they will welcome as liberators the United States when we come to do that.

But liberation soon turned into another long occupation in their land and those who originally welcomed us are ready for us to go and let them pick up the mess. But we aren’t leaving, and our leaders and future leaders are pledging years of occupation. Naturally, at some point, after seeing his family and friends traumatized by the violence surrounding him, the typical peace-minded Iraqi is going to give up on waiting and instead join with terrorists and insurgents. Though he is probably a moderate Muslim and hates the terrorists, he hates the US (and the occupation it represents) more and would rather ally with radical terrorists and try to do something about it than sit back as his life is destroyed as collateral.

In fact, we should consider that imitation is the best form of flattery. Many of the insurgents, rather than hating US ideals, are demonstrating the universality of freedom and liberty. They love those ideals which founded the US - and they are fighting an occupying power just as our founders did some two centuries ago.

Consider the state motto of New Hampshire, “live free or die” - it is a noble phrase, and yet in many ways, it is the rally cry of those moderate Iraqis who have joined with their enemies (and ours) to fight the US.


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